요즘 드는 생각

잡다 2008/07/04 22:28

 - 강유원의 글 "이문열에게 독서를 권함" http://armarius.net/ex_libris/archives/001160.html
 (뭐 이문열이 인터넷을 해서 강유원의 블로그에 올 일은 없으니, 이문열의 독서는 이미 물건너갔다고 보면 된다)

 - 최근의 상황을 보며 드는 생각은, 한국의 보수주의자(라고 불리는 이)들은 참으로 한심하다는 점이다. 이는 이념적 지향이 다른 것에 대한 비난이 아니라, 밥상을 차려줘도 수저를 잡을 줄 모르는 어린아이를 보는 안쓰러움에 가깝다.
 한국의 보수들은 촛불시위에 대해 배후설, 사탄설, 천민민주주의 등의 독설을 내뱉고 있는데 이는 조선일보를 열심히 구독한 안타까운 결과라고 생각한다. 이들이 말하는 친북좌경적 배후세력은 유감스럽게도, 존재하지 않다고 할 수 있을 정도로 미미하고 한줌 밖에 안된다. 대책위를 구성하고 있는 단체들을 뜯어보면 그렇지 않다고 할 수 있지만, 이 상황이 대책위가 일방적으로 지도하고 있지 않다는 것은 주지의 사실 아닌가? 항상 헌신적으로 운동을 하던 다함께가 프락치로 매도되는 상황을 보더라도 저 시청에 모인 대중들이 보수의 우려와 좌파의 기대와는 크게 다른 모습을 하고 있다는 것을 눈치챌 수 있을 것이다.
 석 달 만에 빠져나가버린 수십%의 이명박에 대한 지지자들이 그 짧은 시간에 좌파로 변신했다고 볼 수는 없을 것이다. 보수3당(관대하게 민주당을 제외하도록 하자)을 뺀 나머지 정당들의 지지율이 비약적으로 오르지도 않았다. 총선과 대선에서 한나라당에 몰표를 건네준 아파트값과 경제살리기, 자녀교육이라는 한국적이고 보수적인 욕망의 사슬이 끊어진 것도 아닐게다. 그저 정치적으로 좌파적이라고 할 수 없는 먹거리에 대한 안전(안전은 오히려 보수의 가치에 가깝지 않을까)에 대한 불안과 이명박 정부의 능력으로 어쩔수 없는 경제적 고통이 핵심적인 고리가 아닐까. 강유원의 지적대로 한국은 보수주의(서구 정치에서 통용되는 '보수주의'라는 틀을 그대로 옮겨 쓸 수 있을지는 확신이 서지 않는다)가 강한 나라이며, 이명박 정부와 한나라당은 국민의 절반이 넘는 광범위한 잠재적 지지층을 거저 확보하고 있는 것이나 다름이 없지 않은가.

 - 하지만 이명박 정부의 한나라당의 대응은 과거의 색깔론과 크게 다르지 않은 것이었다. 아직까지 김정일이 남침을 호시탐탐 기도하고 있을 것이라 철썩같이 믿는(그리하여 합리적 판단이 불가능한) 어르신들에게는 충분히 먹일 수 있는 이야기이지만, 그저 자식새끼 좋은 대학가고 아파트값이나 좀 올랐으면 하는 이들에겐 뒷통수를 때릴 뿐이다. 결국 이명박과 보수세력이 좀 더 '세련되게' 말을 했어도 빠져나가지 않을 지지층들을 열심히 추려내고 있을 뿐이다.
 여러가지 이유가 있겠지만, 이명박이 죽을 쑤고 있는 이유 중 하나는 '이데올로기 싸움'이라고 할만한 것에서 완패를 당했기 때문이 아닐까. 절대다수의 대중의 삶을 피곤하게 만들어야 하는 신자유주의 지도세력에게, 그 피곤함을 잊게 해주고 경제성장에 전념할 수 있게 해주는 '말의 능력'이 중요한 미덕이라면 이명박은 정말 무능력하다. 결국 저들의 말을 대변하는 것은 알량한 조중동뿐이며, 남은 것은 경찰과 명박산성이라는 참으로 우스꽝스러운 물리력 뿐이 아닌가? 답답하고 답답하다.
top

Protests in Seoul more about nationalism than beef (IHT 2008.6.11)

읽은것들 2008/06/12 17:29
International Herald Tribune
Protests in Seoul more about nationalism than beef
Wednesday, June 11, 2008

SEOUL:
When tens of thousands of South Koreans spilled into central Seoul in the country's largest anti-government protest in 20 years, the police built a barricade out of shipping containers. They coated them with oil and filled them with sand bags so protesters could not climb or knock them over to march on President Lee Myung Bak's office a couple blocks away.

Faced with this wall, people pasted numerous identical leaflets on the barrier, their message dramatically summarizing Lee's image and alienation from many of his people: "This is a new border for our country. From here starts the U.S. state of South Korea."

In the background, a shrill female voice from a battery of loudspeakers led the crowd in the chant: "Lee Myung Bak is Lee Wan Yong!"

As every South Korean schoolchild knows, Lee Wan Yong was the infamous turn-of-the-century royal minister who helped Imperial Japan annex Korea as a colony - national traitor No. 1.

The scenes Tuesday illuminated the dramatic shift in President Lee's political fortunes. When he was elected last December, South Koreans hailed him as a long-awaited leader who could salvage their country's alliance with the United States, which was strained under Lee's left-leaning predecessor, Roh Moo Hyun.

Only six months later, Lee finds Koreans vilifying him as something Roh famously said he would never become - "a Korean leader kowtowing to the Americans."

"While championing a pragmatic leadership, Lee overlooked Koreans' nationalistic pride," said Choi Jin, director of the Institute of Presidential Leadership in Seoul. "If what troubled Roh's presidency was too much nationalism, Lee's problem is a lack of it."

If Lee had mixed with the demonstrators on Tuesday, he would have seen that it was not just his deeply unpopular decision to lift an import ban on American beef that brought them to the streets.

People felt their national pride hurt. Protesters, some weeping, were singing a popular song about, not American beef, but an ancient Korean kingdom that extended into what become Manchuria, now northeast China.

"How can we stop here, when the vast expanse of Manchuria awaits us?" the lyrics go.

Lee's slide in popularity is rooted in his first glorious moment as president.

On April 19, he became the first South Korean leader to be invited to Camp David, the U.S. presidential retreat. Days beforehand, his aides billed the meeting with President George W. Bush as a momentous event - one that Washington would never have granted to leaders like Roh, who was often accused of being too nationalistic and anti-American.

Aging South Koreans who fought alongside U.S. troops in the Korean War in the early 1950s, took to the streets in joy. They trusted Lee to save the country from what they called "leftist, anti-U.S. and pro-North Korean elements," such as Roh.

On the eve of the meeting with Bush, Seoul agreed to lift a five-year-old ban on American beef imports, first imposed in 2003 after a case of mad cow disease was discovered in the United States. The gesture demonstrated Lee's eagerness to rebuild ties with Washington.

He apparently did not anticipate the reaction at home, especially among younger South Koreans, who had been watching him coldly.

"What he did was little different from an ancient Korean king offering tribute to a Chinese emperor," said Kim Sook Yi, a 35-year-old homemaker who joined the Tuesday protest. "This time we give a tribute to Washington? It's humiliating, bad for education for Korean children."

The demonstrations that began on May 2, when hundreds of uniformed schoolgirls held candles in downtown Seoul, quickly snowballed. By this week, they became so huge that Lee's cabinet offered to resign.

To many South Koreans, the beef dispute was not entirely about health or science. Nor is it entirely about economics; U.S. beef is half the price of Korean. Rather, it is the latest test of whether their leaders can resist pressure from superpowers like the United States, even if that pressure is legitimate, as is the case in the beef dispute. South Korea had promised to lift the ban once the World Organization for Animal Health ruled American beef fit for consummation, as it did in May last year.

South Korea has built the world's 13th largest economy largely through exports. Still, in a country that has been invaded by bigger neighbors throughout its history, people harbor a deep suspicion about big powers, even allies like the United States.

Koreans in their 40s remember a childhood song handed down from their fathers and grandfathers: "Don't be cheated by the Soviets. Don't trust the Americans. Or the Japanese will rise again." Koreans still chafe at the fact that the United States and the Soviet Union divided Korea into the Communist North and the pro-U.S. South after liberating it from Japanese colonial rule at the end of World War II.

Whether a South Korean leader can navigate such nationalistic sentiment can make or break his career.

When two teenage girls were killed by a U.S. military armored vehicle six years ago, it appeared to be little more than a tragic traffic accident. But many young Koreans who felt humiliated by the U.S. military presence rallied in protest.

Roh quickly rode that nationalist wave to election victory, pledging during his campaign never to "kowtow to the Americans."

It did not take long for South Koreans to grow tired of Roh's ideological pronouncements that strained the alliance with the United States. They gave a landslide victory to Lee, who promised to bring pragmatism into the presidency and mend ties with Washington.

"Lee was overconfident. He thought since people had rejected Roh, he could go in the opposite direction," said Kang Won Taek, a political science professor at Soongsil University.

Many analysts in Seoul draw a careful line between nationalism and anti-Americanism among Koreans. They say these demonstrations are more an expression of the first than the latter. But the divide sometimes is very thin.

This month, Alexander Vershbow, the U.S. ambassador to South Korea, got a taste of the simmering anti-American sentiment when he defended the safety of U.S. beef. "We hope that Koreans will begin to understand more about the science and about the facts of American beef," he said. The next day, politicians and protesters called the comment an "insult to all Korean citizens." Vershbow expressed regret that he was misunderstood.

"These days, Koreans say there are only two anti-Americans in South Korea," said Jeon Sang Il, a sociologist at Sogang University. "One is Lee Myung Bak and the other Vershbow. They stoked anti-American sentiments with what they did and what they said."

 = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =

 대중적 시위에서 태극기가 등장하고, 애국가를 부르는 것은 현재 한국 대중의 '한계'일지도 모른다. 그것이 시청광장에서 삼일절에 열리는 노인들의 성조기와 함께 펄럭이는 태극기와는 다른 의미일지라도- 그렇다고 해서 노래 '광야에서'의 가사를 떡밥으로 해서 이 현상을 마치 러시아 쇼비니스트들의 난동처럼 서술하는 것도 능력이라고 해야 할지 참. 나도 개인적으론 '반미면 어떠냐'라는 입장이지만, 지금 거리로 쏟아져 나오는 대중들의 모습을 내셔널리스트-반미주의자로 파악하는 것은 참, 한국 우파들의 저열한 지적 수준을 적나라하게 드러내주는 자폭밖에 되지 않는다. 그게 자폭인줄 모르고 있는 사람이 꽤 많다는게 무섭긴 하지만.

 그나저나, '소련놈에 속지말고 미국놈을 믿지말아, 일본놈이 일어난다'라는 노래를 저렇게 번역을 하는구나..
top