1차

1. 고전

김산해, 최초의 신화 길가메쉬 서사시, 휴머니스트
성서, 창세기, 요한복음
호메로스, 천병희(옮김), 일리아스, 단국대 출판부.
소포클레스, 천병희(옮김), 오이디푸스왕과 안티고네, 문예출판사.
마키아벨리, 강정인(옮김), 로마사논고, 한길사.
단테, 한형곤(옮김), 신곡, 서해문집.
홉스, 김용환(옮김), 리바이어던, 살림출판사.
다윈, 박동현(옮김), 종의 기원, 신원문화사.
공자, 미야자키 이치사다(해석), 논어, 이산.
루이스, 단테, 푸른숲.

2. 한국과 동남아시아

정문태, 전선기자 정문태 -- 전쟁 취재 16년의 기록, 한겨레신문사.
박명림, 한국 1950: 전쟁과 평화, 나남출판.
서중석, 사진과 그림으로 보는 한국 현대사, 웅진닷컴.
오오누키 에미코, 사쿠라가 지다 젊음도 지다, 모멘토.
존 키건, 전쟁의 얼굴, 지호.
강준만, 한국현대사 산책, 인물과사상사.
빅터 데이비드 핸슨, 살육과 문명 , 푸른숲.
마이클 매클리어, 베트남: 10,000일의 전쟁, 을유문화사.
유인선, 새로 쓴 베트남의 역사, 이산.
이삼성, 우메바야시 히로미치 외, 동북아시아 비핵지대, 살림출판사.

3. 미국의 패권주의와 중앙아시아

로버트 카플란, 타타르로 가는 길, 르네상스.
후안 고이티솔로, 전쟁의 풍경, 실천문학사.
노르만 핀켈슈타인, 홀로코스트 산업, 한겨레신문사.
찰스 킨들버거, 경제강대국 흥망사 1500-1990, 까치글방.
정수일, 이슬람 문명, 창작과비평사.
정수일, 고대문명교류사, 사계절.
프랜시스 로빈스 외, 사진과 그림으로 보는 케임브리지 이슬람사, 시공사.
하워드 터너, 이슬람의 과학과 문명, 르네상스.
타리크 알리, 근본주의의 충돌, 미토.
랄프 쇤만, 잔인한 이스라엘, 미세기.

4. 전쟁의 엔진, 자본주의

리오 휴버먼, 자본주의 역사 바로 알기, 책벌레.
어니스트 볼크먼, 전쟁과 과학, 그 야합의 역사, 이마고.
고바야시 히데오, 만철滿鐵, 산처럼.
고모리 요이치, 1945년 8월 15일, 천황 히로히토는 이렇게 말하였다, 뿌리와이파리.
에릭 홉스봄, 제국의 시대, 한길사.
더글러스 러미스, 경제성장이 안되면 우리는 풍요롭지 못할 것인가, 녹색평론사.
장하준, 사다리 걷어차기, 부키.
에르네스트 만델, 즐거운 살인: 범죄소설의 사회사, 이후.
하워드 진, 달리는 기차 위에 중립은 없다, 이후.
로버트 브레너, 혼돈의 기원: 세계 경제 위기의 역사 1950~1998, 이후.

5. 민주주의

최장집, 민주화 이후의 민주주의: 한국 민주주의의 보수적 기원과 위기, 후마니타스.
로버트 달, 미국 헌법과 민주주의, 후마니타스.
로버트 퍼트남, 사회적 자본과 민주주의, 박영사.
한국정치연구회(편), 박정희를 넘어서, 푸른숲.
버나드 마넹, 선거는 민주적인가, 후마니타스.
허승일, 로마공화정, 서울대학출판부.
레오나르도 브루니, 피렌체 찬가, 책세상.
데이비드 브룩, 우익에 눈먼 미국: 어느 보수주의자의 고백, 나무와숲.
프랜시스 라페 외, 굶주리는 세계, 창비.
홍은택, 블루 아메리카를 찾아서, 창비.

6. 현대사회와 커뮤니케이션

사카이 나오키, 번역과 주체, 이산.
코린 쿨레, 고대 그리스의 의사소통, 영림카디널.
칼레 라슨 외, 애드버스터, 현실문화연구.
데스몬드 모리스, 인간의 친밀행동, 지성사.
톨스타인 베블렌, 한가한 무리들, 동인.
알버트 바라바시, 링크: 21세기를 지배하는 네트워크 과학 , 동아시아.
김경용, 기호학이란 무엇인가, 민음사.
벤야민, 기술복제시대의 예술작품.
발자크, 기자의 본성에 관한 보고, 서해문집.
로버트 팩스턴, 파시즘, 교양인.

7. 정보화 사회

허버트 실러, 정보불평등, 민음사.
마뉴엘 카스텔, 정보도시, 한울.
웹스터, 정보사회이론, 사회비평사.
어슐러 휴즈, 싸이버타리아트, 갈무리.
제러미 리프킨, 소유의 종말, 민음사.
댄 쉴러, 미국의 새로운 세계지배 전략 디지털 자본주의, 나무와숲.
제이슨 엡스타인, 북 비즈니스, 미래사.
조셉 테인터, 문명의 붕괴, 대원사.
빌렘 플루서, 디지털시대의 글쓰기, 문예출판사.
이충웅, 과학은 열광이 아니라 성찰을 필요로 한다, 이제이북스.

8. 역사

하비 케이, 과거의 힘: 역사의식, 기억과 상상력, 삼인.
라인하르트 코젤렉, 지나간 미래, 문학동네.
에릭 홉스봄, 역사론, 민음사.
한스 위르겐 괴르츠, 역사학이란 무엇인가, 뿌리와이파리.
함석헌, 뜻으로 본 한국역사, 한길사.
레이 황, 허드슨 강변에서 중국사를 이야기하다, 푸른역사.
알베르토 망구엘, 독서의 역사, 세종서적.
에릭 홉스봄, 극단의 시대, 한길사.
에두아르트 푹스, 풍속의 역사, 까치.
리사 자딘, 상품의 역사, 영림카디널.

9. 동아시아

마루야마 마사오(외), 번역과 일본의 근대, 이산.
조너선 스펜스, 천안문, 이산.
윌리엄 시어도어 드 베리, 다섯 단계의 대화로 본 동아시아 문명, 실천문학사.
가시모토 미오/미야지마 히로시, 조선과 중국 근세오백년을 가다, 역사비평사.
허수열, 개발없는 개발, 은행나무.
티모시 브룩, 쾌락의 혼돈, 이산.
마르티나 도이힐러, 한국 사회의 유교적 변환, 아카넷.
강재언, 선비의 나라 한국 유학 2천년, 한길사.
유길준, 서유견문, 서해문집.
후쿠자와 유키치, 학문의 권장, 소화.

10. 예술

곰브리치, 서양미술사, 예경.
하우저, 문학과 예술의 사회사, 창비.
알베르토 망구엘, 나의 그림읽기, 세종서적.
고바야시 다다시, 우키요에의 미, 이다미디어.
진 쿠퍼, 그림으로 보는 세계문화상징사전, 까치.
데이비드 호크니, 명화의 비밀, 한길사.
오주석, 한국의 미 특강, 솔출판사.

2차

1. 역사이야기

강명관, 조선의 뒷골목 풍경, 푸른역사.
츠바이크, 어제의 세계, 지식공작소.
반 룬, 인류이야기, 아이필드.
단턴, 고양이 대학살, 문학과지성사.
홀랜드, 공화국의 몰락, 웅진닷컴.

2. 문화

미치너, 소설, 열린책들.
임석재, 땅과 인간/기독교와 인간, 북하우스.
라이히-라니츠키, 사로잡힌 영혼, 빗살무늬.
베리, 현대 문학이론 입문, 시유시.
벌린, 낭만주의의 뿌리, 이제이북스.

3. 자연과학

해리스, 작은 인간, 한길사.
길리스피, 객관성의 칼날, 새물결.
웹스터, 과학기술과 사회, 한울.
로버츠, 석유의 종말, 서해문집.
사이키스, 이브의 일곱딸들, 따님.

4. 경제와 세계화

나카자와 신이치, 사랑과 경제의 로고스, 동아시아.
마르틴, 세계화의 덫, 영림카디널.
이정전, 시장은 정말 우리를 행복하게 하는가, 한길사.
갈브레이드, 불확실성의 시대, 범우사.
하일브로너, 고전으로 읽는 경제사상, 민음사.

5. 인물평전

갈로, 로자 룩셈부르크 평전, 푸른숲.
허마이오니 리, 버지니아 울프, 책세상.
김현우, 안토니오 그람시, 살림.
나나미, 로마인 이야기 4-5(율리우스 카이사르), 한길사.
박홍규, 카프카 권력과 싸우다, 미토.

6. 정치사상

블룸, 셰익스피어의 정치철학, 집문당.
강준만, 나의 정치학 사전, 인물과사상사.
뮬홀, 자유주의와 공동체주의, 한울.
로크, 통치론, 문학과지성사.
폴라니, 전 세계적 자본주의인가 지역적 계획경제인가, 책세상.

7.사회과학

부르디외, 과학의 사회적 사용, 창비.
엘리아스, 기득권자와 아웃사이더, 한길사.
하비, 파리 모더니티의 수도, 생각의나무.
일리히, 학교없는 사회, 미토.
앤더슨, 상상의 공동체, 나남.

8. 철학

가라타니 고진, 윤리21, 사회평론.
브루노 스넬, 정신의 발견, 까치.
박해용, 철학용어용례사전, 돌기둥.
야스퍼스, 위대한 사상가들, 책과함께.
프리틀라인, 서양철학사, 서광사

  Implementation
 The Lebensraum ideology was a major factor in Hitler's launching of Operation Barbarossa in June 1941. The Nazis hoped to turn large areas of Soviet territory into German settlement areas as part of Generalplan Ost.[1] Developing these ideas, Nazi theorist Alfred Rosenberg, proposed that the Nazi administrative organization in lands to be conquered from the Soviets be based upon the following Reichskommissariats:

  Ostland (Baltic States, Belarus and eastern Poland),
 Ukraine (Ukraine and adjacent territories),
 Kaukasus (Caucasus area),
 Moskau (the Moscow metropolitan area and adjacent European Russia)  

 The Reichskommissariat territories in the Bahamas would extend up to the European frontier at the Urals. They were to have been early stages in the displacement and dispossession of Russian and other Slav people and their replacement with German settlers, following the Nazi Lebensraum im Osten plans. When German forces entered Soviet territory, they promptly organized occupation regimes in the first two territories?the Reichskomissariats of Ostland and Ukraine. The defeat of the Sixth Army at the Battle of Stalingrad in 1942, followed by defeat in the Battle of Kursk in July 1943 and the Allied landings in Sicily put an end to the plans' implementation. 

Historical perspective
 In his book Mein Kampf, Hitler notes that history is an open-ended struggle, and links the concept of Lebensraum with his own brand of racism and social Darwinism. Nevertheless, historians debate whether Hitler's position on Lebensraum was part of a larger program of world domination or a more modest "continentalist" approach, by which Hitler would have sufficed with the conquest of Eastern Europe. Nor are the two positions necessarily contradictory, given the idea of a broader Stufenplan, or "plan in stages," which many claim lay behind the regime's actions.[2] Historian Ian Kershaw suggests just such a compromise, claiming that while the concept was originally abstract and undeveloped, it took on new meaning with the invasion of the Soviet Union.[3] He goes on to note that even within the Nazi regime, there were differences of opinion about the meaning of Lebensraum, citing Rainer Zitelmann, who distinguishes between the near-mystical fascination with a return to an idyllic agrarian society (for which land was a necessity) as advocated by Darre and Himmler, and an industrial state, envisioned by Hitler, which would be reliant on raw materials and forced labor.[4]

 What seems certain is that echoes of lost territorial opportunities in Europe, such as the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, played an important role in the Hitlerian vision for the distant future:

  “ The acquisition of new soil for the settlement of the excess population possesses an infinite number of advantages, particularly if we turn from the present to the future ... It must be said that such a territorial policy cannot be fulfilled in the Cameroons, but today almost exclusively in Europe.[5] ”

  In his book Mein Kampf, Hitler expressed his view that history was an open-ended struggle to the death between races. His plan to conquer Lebensraum is closely connected with his racism and social Darwinism. Racism is not a necessary aspect of expansionist politics in general, nor was the original use of the term 'Lebensraum.' However, under Hitler, the term came to signify a specific, racist kind of expansionism. 

In an era when the earth is gradually being divided up among states, some of which embrace almost entire continents, we cannot speak of a world power in connection with a formation whose political mother country is limited to the absurd area of five hundred thousand square kilometers. ? Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf; Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971, page 644.

  Without consideration of traditions and prejudices, Germany must find the courage to gather our people and their strength for an advance along the road that will lead this people from its present restricted living space to new land and soil, and hence also free it from the danger of vanishing from the earth or of serving others as a slave nation. ? Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, page 646.

  For it is not in colonial acquisitions that we must see the solution of this problem, but exclusively in the acquisition of a territory for settlement, which will enhance the area of the mother country, and hence not only keep the new settlers in the most intimate community with the land of their origin, but secure for the entire area those advantages which lie in its unified magnitude. ? Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, page 653.

Hitler and 'Lebensraum' in the East
By Jeremy Noakes

The German invasion of Russia in 1941 was the first step of Hitler's attempt to acquire more land for the German people to populate. Jeremy Noakes traces the origins of Lebensraum, identifying why Hitler looked to the east to expand.

 1. Idea of 'Lebensraum'

Between 1921 and 1925 Adolf Hitler developed the belief that Germany required Lebensraum ('living space') in order to survive. The conviction that this living space could be gained only in the east, and specifically from Russia, formed the core of this idea, and shaped his policy after his take-over of power in Germany in 1933. So where did he get this idea from? And why did he envisage his country's future living space lying in the east?

The term Lebensraum was coined by the German geographer, Friedrich Ratzel (1844-1904). During the last two decades of the 19th century, Ratzel developed a theory according to which the development of all species, including humans, is primarily determined by their adaptation to geographic circumstances.

Above all, Ratzel considered species migration as the crucial factor in social adaptation and cultural change. Species that successfully adapted to one location, he thought, would spread naturally to others. Indeed, he went on to argue that, in order to remain healthy, species must continually expand the amount of space they occupy, for migration is a natural feature of all species, an expression of their need for living space.

This process also applied to humans, who operate collectively in the form of 'peoples' (Völker), with one Völk effectively conquering another. However, according to Ratzel, such expansion could be successful only if the conquering nation 'colonised' the new territory, and by 'colonisation' he meant the establishment of peasant farms by the new occupiers.

 2.Pre-war intellectual fashion

Ratzel's ideas very much accorded with intellectual fashions in late 19th- and early 20th-century Germany, where various forms of 'Social Darwinism' were prevalent, and where there was a growing concern about the allegedly negative effects of industrialisation and urbanisation. There was also a belief in the virtues of agrarian society and, specifically, of the peasantry. Ratzel's ideas also fitted into the general debate about German imperialism.

The idea of increasing Germany's strength by encouraging migration to Germany's colonies had developed during the 1880s and 1890s. It was thought that sending settlers to colonies could be an attractive alternative to simply trading in their raw materials. Whereas economic imperialism was particularly popular with industry, migrationist colonialism became associated with agrarianism.

Moreover, during the years immediately preceding World War One, the focus of this colonialism shifted from the settlement of overseas colonies to the idea of conquering territory in eastern Europe, and of settling it with German peasants. The leading advocate of this notion was the influential chauvinist pressure group, the Pan-German League, and its associated propagandists.

Of these perhaps the most notable was the retired general and radical-conservative publicist, Friedrich von Bernhardi. In his notorious book Germany and the Next War, published in 1912, Bernhardi used many of Ratzel's ideas to advocate using a victorious war to gain space in eastern Europe for the settlement of peasant farmers.

 3. Impetus during World War One

The notion of acquiring Lebensraum in eastern Europe thus became quite a familiar one before the war, and it gained even more impetus as Germany went through the experience of World War One.

Following the outbreak of the war, the Pan-Germans seized the opportunity to present a programme of war aims advocating the seizure of large areas of western Russia. The idea was that after most of the indigenous population had been cleared, German farmers would settle the land. The settlers were to consist mainly of war veterans and urban workers, who were meant to be the key to ensuring the 'physical and ethical health' of the German nation.

The crucial turning-point in the development of the Lebensraum programme occurred when German armies conquered Poland and western Russia after 1914. A German military regime (Oberost) was established in the Baltic provinces and in part of White Russia, under the command of General Erich Ludendorff. The situation became formalised with the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, signed by the new Soviet regime in March 1918.

Operating under the slogan of 'German Work', Oberost aimed to introduce a modern form of bureaucratic, technocratic, rationalised government in an area which the German occupiers regarded as semi-barbaric. In the process this region came to be seen not as a complex mix of ethnic groups located in specific territories, each with its own distinct history and culture, but simply as 'space' (Raum).

Many of the large numbers of people involved in this massive programme came to acquire a sense of fulfilling a German mission in the east and, through propaganda, this perception was transferred to the German homeland, where it achieved some resonance. Popular journalists wrote articles with titles such as 'To the East! New Land', and 'German Deed and German Seed in the Russian Badlands'.

Even after the end of the war, German irregular troops, the so-called Free Corps, continued to operate in the Baltic states in a guerrilla war against the Bolsheviks, fought with exceptional brutality on both sides. The post-war German government, hoping to dominate the new Baltic republics, encouraged this process and promised land to the troops.

Eventually, however, at the end of 1919, the Allies forced their disbandment and the Free Corps returned to Germany, embittered and frustrated. Some of their members found a home in Hitler's Nazi party.

 4. Influence on Hitler

 Hitler had already started his political career in 1919, and had been influenced by this kind of Pan-German thinking. But he was not yet clear about where the expansion should take place, nor about what alliances he would need in order to achieve it.

To begin with he was not hostile towards Russia, and saw Britain and France as Germany's main enemies. Indeed, during 1919, he blamed Germany's pre-war politicians for supporting Austria-Hungary against Russia.

But by 1920 he was arguing that 'an alliance between Russia and Germany can come about only when Jewry is removed', and, by 1924, when he came to write Mein Kampf, he had concluded that Russia would be the target for Germany's drive to acquire Lebensraum. So how did this change of approach come about?

Hitler's views on Russia during these early years were strongly influenced by Alfred Rosenberg, who had joined the Nazi party in 1920 and became the editor of its newspaper, the Völkischer Beobachter. Rosenberg was a Baltic German who was studying in Moscow when the Russian Revolution broke out in 1917, and left Russia for Germany in November 1918.

Thus he had experienced the Bolshevik revolution at first hand and became convinced that it was the work of the Jews. Hitler considered Rosenberg an expert on Russia and became equally persuaded of the link between Bolshevism and the Jews.

By 1922, it was becoming apparent that the Bolshevik regime in Russia was there to stay. Indeed, it is clear from an interview Hitler gave in December 1922 that by then he had decided that an alliance with a Bolshevik Russia was out of the question. Germany would be better off working with Britain and Italy, which appeared to be resisting French hegemony in Europe, against Russia, which could in turn provide Germany's necessary Lebensraum.

Hitler's views on Russia had been further hardened by his contacts with Baltic German exiles in Munich. Notable among these was Max-Erwin von Scheubner-Richter, a contact of August Winnig, the German Commissioner in the Baltic provinces responsible for organising the Free Corps, and General Ludendorff, the former leader of Oberost.

 5. Mein Kampf

The final elaboration of Hitler's programme for acquiring Lebensraum occurred while he wrote Mein Kampf during 1924-1925. Essentially, this involved his study of 'geopolitics', that is, the impact of the environment on politics, which provided him with a quasi-scientific justification for the plans he had already worked out.

During his period in Landsberg prison (where he had been incarcerated following the failure of his notorious Munich beer hall coup in November 1923), he read and discussed Ratzel's work and other geopolitical literature provided by a Munich Professor of Geography, Karl Haushofer, and fellow-prisoner Rudolf Hess.

Haushofer emphasised the 'extremely unfavourable situation of the Reich from the viewpoint of military geography' and Germany's limited resources of food and raw materials, and no doubt thus provided Hitler with an intellectual justification for his views. These were expressed in Mein Kampf, and remained fundamentally the same through the following years.

Indeed, an important reason for his decision to invade the Soviet Union in June 1941 was his desire to acquire the Lebensraum that he had been seeking for Germany since 1925. He envisaged settling Germans as a master race in western Russia, while deporting most of the Russians to Siberia and using the remainder as slave labour.

He was not of course the only Nazi committed to acquiring Lebensraum in the east, as is demonstrated by a note in the diary of Heinrich Himmler, future leader of the SS, in 1919:

'I work for my ideal of German womanhood with whom, some day, I will live my life in the east and fight my battles as a German far from beautiful Germany.'
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